With Pope Francis lifting up what can be called social justice Christianity, clichés that religion lives on the right end of American politics might be overturned.
The "culture industry" testifies to the expansionist ambitions of the late capitalist system, which can now colonize fantasy and enjoyment as it once did countries.
Recent events ratify what Trump skeptics have said all along: that he is utterly unprepared to be a serious candidate, let alone president of the United States.
Remembering responses to the rubella crisis might inform our reactions to Zika. Advocacy for mothers and appreciation for the work of pregnancy should be priorities.
Rather than a triumph, Dionne says "the history of contemporary American conservatism is a story of disappointment and betrayal.” But is his diagnosis correct?
The Chicago anti-Trump protests exemplify an ugly strain of illiberalism, one that makes the right to expression contingent on the content of a speaker’s views.
An outrage was perpetrated against voters in Arizona, and we can't ignore the warning that the disenfranchisement of thousands of its citizens offers our nation.
What forces and resentments has Donald Trump tapped into, for they're surely more than just political? It's just the kind of question Norman Mailer could illuminate.
The conservatives who use “judicial activism” as a battering ram against liberals are the real judicial activists. That explains their opposition to Merrick Garland.
In a span of about twelve hours, Americans got definitive evidence that the Republican Party is in thrall to its most ideologically and tactically extreme forces.
It has long been a truism among economists that free trade is the ideal. But maybe it's time to consider the harsher lessons of the past fifteen years.
The “rebellion” of mostly white, working-class voters that Donald Trump has cynically appealed to could destroy an enduring institution. It has only itself to blame.
Call me old-fashioned, but I have an elevated view of what politics can be and can achieve, in good political moments and bad. But in the GOP, it's not going well.
I write to do something I have never done, to defend the faithless. Faithless electors, that is. I am writing in defense of the Electoral College. Why? Trump.
Antonin Scalia’s impact on the Court was mixed. He will be remembered more for the flamboyance of his dissents than for the reach of his majority opinions.
Of the many threads within Scalia’s jurisprudence, perhaps most durable is his abiding and occasionally maddening optimism about the character of the American people
The Clinton political dynasty is still alive. The Bush dynasty has been routed. Their contrasting fates, to this point at least, tell us much about our two parties.
There is an imbalance in the argument at the heart of the 2016 presidential campaign that threatens to undercut the Democrats’ chances of holding the White House.
Not all criticism of the president is racially motivated. But a lot of it has been, which is important to note in a campaign marked by appeals to racial resentment.
The conservatism that's dominated the GOP is in crisis. Capitalism has lost its allure among young voters. It would be foolish to ignore New Hampshire's shock waves.
What's really at stake in the Friedrichs case is whether the right of workers to organize will be sacrificed to the Court’s contentious views regarding free speech.
On paper, he’s the potential GOP nominee who scares Democrats the most. In practice, trying to be all things to all Republicans has often thrown Rubio off balance.
If Republicans are engaged in a three-sided civil war, Democrats are having a civilized argument over who has the best theory about how progressive change happens.
Imaginary American flags, ballots on sticky notes, turkey dressing sandwiches, and beer: Two Iowa caucus-goers with their first-hand accounts of democracy in action.
